“How do you rebel against a family of Communists?” asks Bill Browder in the title of the second chapter of Red Notice. Browder’s grandfather, Earl Browder, had started as a labor organizer in Kansas and rose to be the American Communist Party’s presidential candidate in 1936 and 1940. Prior to those campaigns, he spent some time in Moscow, married a Russian woman, and had a son — Felix, Bill’s father — who was born in the Soviet capital in 1927. A second son, also born in Moscow, followed in 1931 and a third was born in New York in 1934. (Bill chooses not to comment on what it meant to stay a Communist between 1936 and 1940, years that included the show trials of old Bolsheviks, the height of Stalin’s purges that meant death and the gulag for millions, and the Hitler-Stalin Pact in 1939 that gave the Nazi war machine a free hand in Poland — and the Soviets the eastern half of interwar Poland.) By contrast, his “grandmother was a Russian Jewish intellectual and had no desire for any of her sons to go into the dirty business of politics. For her, the highest calling was academia, specifically in science or mathematics.” (p. 13)
Felix sped through MIT and Princeton and had a PhD in math by age 20. Bill’s other two uncles likewise became mathematicians, with his uncle William serving a term as president of the American Mathematical Society. Bill saw himself as a misfit in “this strange, academic, left-wing family.” (p. 15) It probably didn’t help that his older brother Thomas went to the University of Chicago at 15 and then started a physics PhD program at 19. In his telling, Bill was an indifferent student and barely scraped into the University of Colorado. Before that, he figured out how to rebel: “I would put on a suit and tie and become a capitalist. Nothing would piss my family off more than that.” (p. 17)
Easier said than done, though, especially with a fast start majoring in partying at a major party school. When a frat brother goes to federal prison for trying to rob a bank to fund a cocaine habit, “I realized that if I kept it up, then the only person who would suffer from this particular form of rebellion would be me.” (p. 18) From there, it turns out that Bill is a Browder after all. He excels at his studies, transfers to the University of Chicago and lands a plum pre-MBA job with Bain & Company. Later, when Browder is working in finance, he casually mentions the kind of mental math he would be doing during high-pressure meetings; the family knack for the subject had clearly not deserted him. A Stanford MBA (“the normal academic competition was replaced with something that none of us expected: an air of cooperation, camaraderie, and friendship” pp. 20–21) leads to a series of depressing job interviews and a search for connection with the family history he had been working so assiduously to escape. Turned down by the steelworkers’ union, Browder starts to consider Eastern Europe. He has an offer from Boston Consulting, and the company is probably happy to have a newly minted Stanford MBA. Happy enough that when Browder says he wants to work in Eastern Europe, the Chicago office passes him along to the London office, where the sole specialist for that region works.
Browder moved to London in August of 1989. It was an auspicious time to be interested in Eastern Europe. In June, the partly-free election in Poland had seen the non-communist opposition win all the available seats in the lower house and all but one in the upper. Also in June, communist Hungary opened its border with Austria. I crossed that border in July shortly after Bastille Day. Just how auspicious would not be clear until a few months later as country after country pushed out its communist rulers and charted a course toward pluralist democracy and a market economy. Browder saw the opportunity. “My grandfather had been the biggest communist in America, and as I watched these events unfold, I decided that I wanted to become the biggest capitalist in Eastern Europe.” (p. 27)
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